An Essay on Man is a poem published by Alexander Pope in –It was dedicated to Henry St John, 1st Viscount Bolingbroke, (pronounced 'Bull-en-brook') hence the opening line: "Awake, St John ". It is an effort to rationalize or rather "vindicate the ways of God to man" (l), a variation of John Milton's claim in the opening lines of Paradise Lost, that he will "justifie the wayes Short essay is similar to the basic essay writing guidelines, but it is shorter- only half a page. Small size short essay should have a good eye-catching topic. An outline is the best short essay format example. When you do not know what to write your essay about, moreover, the topic is extremely difficult and complex, try to start your Aug 02, · This introductory chapter summarizes the book’s argument. It explains that U.S.-China competition is over regional and global order, outlines what Chinese-led
Social order - Wikipedia
It explains that U. The first of these strategies sought to blunt American order regionally, the second sought to build Chinese order regionally, and the third — a strategy of expansion — now seeks to do both globally. It wasand Li Hongzhang was writing at a time of historic upheaval. A Qing Dynasty general and official who dedicated much of his life to reforming a dying empire, Order and chaos essay was often compared to his contemporary Otto von Bismarck, the architect of German unification and national power whose portrait Li was said to keep for inspiration.
Like Bismarck, Li had military experience that he parlayed into considerable influence, order and chaos essay, including over foreign and military policy. He had been instrumental in putting down the fourteen-year Taiping rebellion—the bloodiest conflict of the entire nineteenth century—which had seen a millenarian Christian state rise from the growing vacuum of Qing authority to launch a civil war that claimed tens of millions of lives.
This order and chaos essay against the rebels provided Li with an appreciation for Western weapons and technology, order and chaos essay, a fear of European and Japanese predations, a commitment to Chinese self-strengthening and modernization—and critically—the influence and prestige to do something about it.
Left: Li Hongzhang, also romanised as Li Hung-chang, order and chaos essay, in Source: Alice E. And so it was in that in one of his many correspondences, Li reflected on the groundbreaking geopolitical and technological transformations he had seen in his own life that posed an existential threat to the Qing. Li ultimately failed to modernize China, lost a war to Japan, and signed the embarrassing Treaty of Shimonoseki order and chaos essay Tokyo.
Source: Reuters. But both capture something essential: the idea that world order is once again at stake because of unprecedented geopolitical and technological shifts, and that this requires strategic adjustment. On June 23,the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union. Then, a little more than three months later, a populist surge catapulted Donald Trump into office as president of the United States, order and chaos essay.
shaped the twentieth. If it does, what is that strategy, what shapes it, and what should the United States do about it? As we enter this new stretch of acute competition, we lack answers to critical foundational questions. And yet, as great power tensions flare, there is no consensus on the answers. This book attempts to provide an answer. In its argument and structure, the book takes its inspiration in order and chaos essay from Cold War studies of US grand strategy.
To do so, the book makes use of an original database of Chinese Communist Party documents—memoirs, biographies, and daily records of senior officials—painstakingly gathered and then digitized over the last several years from libraries, bookstores in Taiwan and Hong Kong, and Chinese e-commerce sites see Appendix.
While no one master document contains all of Chinese grand strategy, its outline can be found across a wide corpus of texts, order and chaos essay. Within them, the Party uses hierarchical statements that represent internal consensus on key issues to guide the ship of state, and these statements can be traced across time.
The most important of these is the Party line 路线then the guideline 方针and finally the policy 政策among other terms. The book argues that the core of US-China competition since the Cold War has been over regional and now global order. It focuses on the strategies that rising powers like China use to displace an established hegemon like the United States short of war. For rising states, the act of peacefully displacing the hegemon consists of two broad strategies generally pursued in sequence.
The second is to build forms of control over others; indeed, order and chaos essay, no rising state can become a hegemon if it cannot secure the deference of other states through coercive threats, consensual inducements, or rightful legitimacy.
Unless a rising power has first blunted the hegemon, efforts to build order are likely to be futile and easily opposed. At the regional level, China already accounts for more than half of Asian GDP and half of all Asian military spending, which is pushing the region out of balance and toward a Chinese sphere of influence, order and chaos essay.
Chinese order would likely be more coercive than the present order, consensual in ways that primarily benefit connected elites even at the expense of voting publics, order and chaos essay, and considered legitimate mostly to those few who it directly rewards.
China would deploy this order in ways that damage liberal values, with authoritarian winds blowing stronger across the region. If there are two paths to hegemony—a regional one and a global one—China is now pursuing both, order and chaos essay.
Politically, Beijing would project leadership over global governance and international institutions, split Western alliances, and advance autocratic norms at the expense of liberal ones. This glimpse at possible Chinese order maybe striking, order and chaos essay, but it should not be surprising. Why not? How could they not aspire to be number one in Asia, and in time the world? China wants to be China and accepted as such, not as an honorary member of the West.
China now poses a challenge unlike any the United States has ever faced. For more than a century, no US adversary or coalition of adversaries has reached 60 percent of US GDP. Neither Wilhelmine Germany during the First World War, the combined might of Imperial Japan and Nazi Germany during the Second World War, nor the Soviet Union at the height of its economic power ever crossed this threshold.
What is less clear, at least in Washington, is whether China has a grand strategy and what it might be. That kind of coordination is rare, order and chaos essay, and most great powers consequently do not have a grand strategy. When states do have grand strategies, however, they can reshape world history. Nazi Germany wielded a grand strategy that used economic tools to constrain its neighbors, military buildups to intimidate its rivals, and political alignments to encircle its adversaries—allowing it to outperform its great power competitors for a considerable time even though its GDP was less than one-third theirs.
During the Cold War, Washington pursued a grand strategy that at times used military power to deter Soviet aggression, economic aid to curtail communist influence, and political institutions to bind liberal states together—limiting Soviet influence without a US-Soviet war.
How China similarly integrates its instruments of statecraft in pursuit of overarching regional and global objectives remains an area that has received abundant speculation but little rigorous study despite its enormous consequences.
Washington is belatedly coming to terms with this reality, and the result is the most consequential reassessment of its China policy in over a generation. And yet, amid this reassessment, there is wide-ranging disagreement over what China wants and where it is going. Some believe Beijing has global ambitions; others argue that its focus is largely regional.
Some claim it has a coordinated year plan; others that it is opportunistic and error-prone. Some label Beijing a boldly revisionist power; others see it as a sober-minded stakeholder of the current order. Some say Beijing wants the United States out of Asia; and others that it tolerates a modest US role. The skeptics are a wide-ranging and deeply knowledgeable group. regional alliances, order and chaos essay.
In fact, no conclusive evidence exists of such Chinese goals. In contrast to these skeptics are the believers. This group is persuaded that China has a grand strategy to displace the United States regionally and globally, but it has not put forward a work to persuade the skeptics.
Outside of government, only a few recent works attempt to make the case at length. This book, order and chaos essay, which draws on the research of so many others, also hopes to stand apart in key ways.
These include a unique social-scientific approach to defining and studying grand strategy; a large trove of rarely cited or previously inaccessible Chinese texts; a systematic study of key puzzles in Chinese military, political, and economic behavior; and order and chaos essay close look at the variables shaping strategic adjustment.
Born in Leipzig and educated in Berlin and Düsseldorf, Crowe was half German, spoke German-accented English, and joined the British Foreign Office at the age of twenty-one. During World War I, his British and German families were literally at war with one another—his British nephew perished at sea while his German cousin rose to become chief of the German Naval Staff.
Left: British diplomat Eyre Crowe Date unknown. Author unknown. Source: Wikimedia Commons, order and chaos essay. It also resembles the argument of this book: China has pursued a variety order and chaos essay strategies to displace the United States at the regional and global level which are fundamentally driven by its relative position with Washington.
The fact that the questions the Crowe memorandum explored have a striking similarity to those we are grappling with today has not been lost on US officials. Henry Kissinger quotes from it in On China. Max Baucus, former US ambassador to China, frequently mentioned the memo to his Chinese interlocutors as a roundabout way of inquiring about Chinese strategy, order and chaos essay.
This book argues that, since the end of the Cold War, China has pursued a order and chaos essay strategy to displace American order first at the regional and now at the global level. Chapter 1 defines grand strategy and international order, and then explores how rising powers displace hegemonic order through strategies of blunting, building, and expansion. As a order and chaos essay institution that emerged from the patriotic ferment of the order and chaos essay Qing period, the Party now seeks to restore China to its rightful place in the global hierarchy by Now, as China rises, the same Party that sat uneasily within Soviet order during the Cold War is unlikely to permanently tolerate a subordinate role in American order.
Chapter 4 considers blunting at the military level. Chapter 5 order and chaos essay blunting at the political level. It demonstrates that the trifecta led China to reverse its previous opposition to joining regional institutions.
Beijing feared that multilateral organizations like Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation APEC and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Regional Forum ARF might be used by Washington to build a liberal regional order or even an Asian NATO, so China joined them to blunt American power.
It stalled institutional progress, wielded institutional rules to constrain US freedom of maneuver, order and chaos essay, and hoped participation would reassure wary neighbors otherwise tempted to join a US-led balancing coalition.
Chapter 6 considers blunting at the economic level. Part II of the book explores this second phase in Order and chaos essay grand strategy, which was focused on building regional order. Chapter 7 explores this building strategy in Party texts, demonstrating that the shock of the Global Financial Crisis led China to see the United States as weakening and emboldened it to shift to a building strategy.
This strategy, like blunting before it, was implemented across multiple instruments of statecraft—military, political, and economic—each of which receives a chapter. Chapter 8 focuses on building at the military level, recounting how the Global Financial Crisis accelerated a shift in Chinese military strategy away from a singular focus on blunting American power through sea denial to a new focus on building order through sea control.
China now sought the capability to hold distant islands, safeguard sea lines, intervene in neighboring countries, and provide public security goods. These were risks a more confident Beijing was now willing to accept. China promptly stepped up investments in aircraft carriers, capable surface vessels, amphibious warfare, marines, and overseas bases. Chapter 9 focuses on building at the political level. It shows how the Global Financial Crisis caused China to depart from a blunting strategy focused on joining and stalling regional organizations to a building strategy that involved launching its own institutions.
China spearheaded the launch of the Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank AIIB and the elevation and institutionalization of the previously obscure Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia CICA.
It then used these institutions, with mixed success, as instruments to shape regional order in the economic and security domains in directions it preferred. Chapter 10 focuses on building at the economic level. Beijing used these blunting and building strategies to constrain US influence within Asia and to build the foundations for regional hegemony. In this period, the Chinese Communist Party reached a paradoxical consensus: it concluded that the United States was in retreat globally but at the same time was waking up to the China challenge bilaterally.
It shows that politically, Beijing would seek to project leadership over global governance and international institutions and to advance autocratic norms. The chapter instead argues for an asymmetric competitive strategy, one that does not require matching China dollar-for-dollar, ship-for-ship, or loan-for-loan. At the same time, this chapter argues that the United States should pursue order-building as well, reinvesting in the very same foundations of American global order that Beijing presently seeks to weaken.
Order from Chaos
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Aug 02, · This introductory chapter summarizes the book’s argument. It explains that U.S.-China competition is over regional and global order, outlines what Chinese-led We value excellent academic writing and strive to provide outstanding essay writing service each and every time you place an order. We write essays, research papers, term papers, course works, reviews, theses and more, so our primary mission is to help you succeed academically Step 1: Click on ‘Choose Subject’ and search for your required subject. Step 2: Once you have found it from the given list, click to select the subject. Step 3: Go
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